areas However, studies in ethnomusicology and cultural studies have clearly documented the commercial processes through which the various folk styles of Appalachia and the American "Deep South" became known and marketed as "country music", as well as the transmission of "country music" through. in those places or songs that mythologize specific cities in the lyrics (McLeay, 199
; Kong, 1995; Smith, 1997; Connell and Gibson, 2003). Such estimates of music venues reflect, to some extent, the accumulation of production infrastructures, the raw number of active musicians, and the continuous recording of a relatively dense cast; in other cases, such associations are created as part of media campaigns and local marketing strategies, "invented traditions" (Hobsbawm, 1983) that have become central to the tourism industry and the music economy (Atkinson, 1997; Cohen, 1997; Gibson and Connell 200
) . 19
). The naming of the music was part of the institutionalization of the genre, while the marketing of other country music, such as the blues, differed racially. gramophone records. , 1998; Gibson, 2002); Gibson and Connell, 200
). Almost by definition it represented rural life, although not without doubts and insecurities or an inability to admit that the land was blameless. , pistols, horses, and guns. ).
